{"id":1302,"date":"2019-10-19T09:04:25","date_gmt":"2019-10-19T14:04:25","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/thelight.com\/?p=1302"},"modified":"2019-10-19T09:11:57","modified_gmt":"2019-10-19T14:11:57","slug":"teaching-democrats-to-speak-evangelical-the-new-yorker","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"http:\/\/thelight.com\/index.php\/2019\/10\/19\/teaching-democrats-to-speak-evangelical-the-new-yorker\/","title":{"rendered":"Teaching Democrats to Speak Evangelical | The New Yorker"},"content":{"rendered":"

In previous churches I have been in there were many who taught that no true Christian could vote for a Democrat.<\/p>\n

I disagreed.<\/p>\n

We are more complex than just a single issue of abortion (of which we are strongly pro-life but do NOT necessarily want to overturn Roe v Wade (e.g. in the case where the life of the mother is in danger)).<\/p>\n

The Republicans do NOT own faith.\u00a0 Democrats can be Christians as well.<\/p>\n

\n

\"\"On a Tuesday afternoon this past summer, Doug Pagitt, a fifty-three-year-old pastor in a blue straw hat and glasses, stood in a conference room at the Democratic Congressional Committee\u2019s office in Washington, D.C., laying out sandwiches. Pagitt was preparing to lead a training session for Democratic members of Congress on how to speak to evangelicals. A table was littered with blue-and-orange lapel pins reading \u201cVote Common Good,\u201d the name of an organization that Pagitt launched last year to make the religious left more visible. \u201cWe want people to know that it exists, and they can join it,\u201d he said. Last year, the group\u2019s members spent a month travelling the country in a tour bus, campaigning for roughly forty progressive candidates on their religious message, but this was their first time speaking to politicians in Washington. Five members of the group took seats around the conference table, some wearing blazers and sensible sandals. Pagitt generally projects an air of ease, but this afternoon he was anxious. \u201cToday is pretty much a beta test,\u201d he told me.<\/p>\n

A few minutes later, Marcy Kaptur, a Democrat from Ohio who, at seventy-three, is the longest-serving woman in the House of Representatives, arrived wearing a sea-foam jacket. Soon after, Representative Katherine Clark, from Massachusetts, and Ted Lieu, from California, walked in, followed by a half-dozen staff members. Robb Ryerse, a self-described former fundamentalist pastor and the political director of Vote Common Good, opened the meeting with a tip. \u201cTrying to memorize John 3:16 in the car on your way to the event and then quote that is probably not the best way to connect with faith-based voters,\u201d he said. He had seen a candidate try this trick on the way to a rally in Kansas and then struggle to remember the phrase onstage.<\/p>\n

The exodus of religious voters from the Democratic Party over the past several decades is typically explained by the culture wars, most notably over abortion. As the historian of religion Randall Balmer notes in his book \u201cThy Kingdom Come<\/a>,\u201d in the sixties and seventies, the Democratic Party had a large Catholic contingent and mostly opposed abortion. By contrast, many prominent Republicans\u2014including Nelson Rockefeller; Ronald Reagan, during his time as the governor of California; and Harry Blackmun, the Supreme Court Justice who wrote the opinion in Roe v. Wade<\/a>\u2014affirmed and expanded abortion rights. But, beginning in the early seventies, evangelical preachers such as Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson worked with Republican strategists to press the Party to more vigorously oppose abortion. At the same time, the second-wave feminist movement pushed the Democratic Party to defend women\u2019s reproductive rights. As a result, pro-life Democrats, most notably religious voters, began defecting from the Party.<\/p>\n

Pagitt believes that this history is overly simplistic. He points out that a large percentage of Democratic voters\u2014sixty-seven per cent, according to a Pew poll from 2018\u2014still claim a religious affiliation. He believes that many moderate evangelicals would be happy to vote for Democrats, but that the Party often overlooks them during campaigns. In 2008, Barack Obama courted evangelicals, along with Catholics, mainstream Protestants, and Jewish voters, by asking religious leaders to appear as campaign surrogates and to take part in a regular conference call. Pagitt worked on behalf of the campaign, approaching conservative leaders and calling evangelicals who had voted for George W. Bush in 2004. \u201cIt wasn\u2019t just me; they kept calling hundreds of leaders and asking if we could spare one more weekend,\u201d Pagitt said. Obama succeeded in taking a large number of white evangelical and Catholic Bush voters.<\/p>\n

But, in 2016, Hillary Clinton<\/a> failed to woo these voters: between 2008 and 2016, the percentage of people who voted for the Democratic Presidential candidate declined among voters in every religious affiliation, and the dropoff was especially sharp among evangelicals. Pagitt pointed out that, though Clinton is a devout Methodist<\/a> and received daily devotional readings during the campaign, she almost never spoke about her faith in public. \u201cI don\u2019t even know what her favorite Bible passage was,\u201d he said. \u201cI thought, Well, her polling numbers must tell her she doesn\u2019t need religious voters.\u201d<\/p>\n

Pagitt describes himself as an evangelical, though he thinks of this as more of a sociological term than a strict theological one. \u201cIt\u2019s like saying I\u2019m Midwestern,\u201d he told me. \u201cIt locates me.\u201d He grew up near Minneapolis, in a non-religious family, and converted as a teen-ager. He spent eleven years as a pastor at Wooddale, an evangelical megachurch in Eden Prairie, Minnesota. In 1999, he planted a progressive, nondenominational church in Minneapolis called Solomon\u2019s Porch. But, in 2018, feeling disappointed by Clinton\u2019s loss, he founded Vote Common Good to target the voters that Clinton had overlooked. In the leadup to the midterm elections, he and fourteen other members held religious revivals in support of candidates across the country. The events featured beer on tap and thumping music from dirty-gospel acts, including Reverend Vince Anderson and Meah Pace. The family-friendly party atmosphere was modelled on revivals that the conservative evangelist Franklin Graham was holding for Donald Trump<\/a> and other Republicans. \u201cThe larger goals were loving your neighbor and creating a check on power,\u201d Diana Butler Bass, a prominent progressive theologian who joined Pagitt\u2019s tour, told me.<\/p>\n

Pagitt felt hopeful after the votes were cast. In 2016, eighty-one per cent of white evangelicals voted for Trump; last year, in the midterm elections, seventy-five per cent of white evangelicals voted Republican. Pagitt and the other members of Vote Common Good saw this small decline as a sign of progress: in ones and twos, evangelicals were becoming disenchanted with Trump\u2014especially with his overt racism and misogyny, which some saw as against their values. \u201cI don\u2019t think it\u2019s a silent majority,\u201d Ryerse, Vote Common Good\u2019s political director, told me, \u201cbut I think there\u2019s a significant silent percentage.\u201d<\/p>\n

In the conference room, Katie Paris, a media trainer with Vote Common Good, discussed campaign tactics with the representatives. She noted that, during the midterms, Republicans had contacted religious leaders district by district to shore up their support, and often remained in close touch with them between election seasons. \u201cYou need to make it more difficult for the right to organize against you,\u201d she said. She suggested that the representatives also reach out to religious leaders to introduce themselves. They didn\u2019t have to fake piety, she said, but they should acknowledge that these communities were important to their constituencies. She also felt that Democrats had become afraid to mention religion at campaign events, which ceded faith to the right. She urged the representatives to discuss spirituality \u201cwherever your values come from\u201d\u2014whether or not they were believers. The important thing was to make it clear that they took religion seriously and didn\u2019t look down on the devout.<\/p>\n

Pagitt thinks that, among the Democratic Presidential candidates, for example, Elizabeth Warren<\/a> is doing a good job of integrating faith seamlessly into her message, beginning sentences with phrases like \u201cAs a Sunday-school teacher\u00a0.\u00a0.\u00a0.\u201d and by singing the hymns from her conservative childhood church in a defense of same-sex marriage. Bernie Sanders<\/a> seems to avoid speaking of religion\u2014his own, Judaism, or that of others\u2014at all costs. Cory Booker<\/a> often speaks about God in generalizations that can feel bland. Some candidates seem willing to openly antagonize religious voters; last week, at a town-hall discussion on L.G.B.T.Q. issues, Beto O\u2019Rourke<\/a> said that he would revoke the tax-exempt status of religious institutions that oppose same-sex marriage\u2014the first time a major Presidential candidate has stated such a position.<\/p>\n

Paris encouraged the representatives to think of people they knew who were motivated by their faith, whom they could mention on the trail. After a minute, she asked Kaptur brightly, \u201cYou got one?\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cI got thousands,\u201d Kaptur replied, slightly irritated.<\/p>\n

\u201cMy mom is one,\u201d Clark offered. Her mother had been a committed Episcopalian and an ardent feminist who was also an early advocate for women to be priests. (The Episcopal Church officially began ordaining women in 1976.) \u201cI do talk about her frequently,\u201d Clark said. \u201cBut I can\u2019t recall talking about her faith.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cYou should,\u201d Paris said.<\/p>\n

As the event wound to a close, Pagitt called for questions. \u201cHow do you talk about abortion?\u201d Lieu asked. He comes from a progressive district, but he felt that the issue would be central to other races around the country. Pagitt noted that there is a divide between pro-life voters who want to reverse Roe v. Wade and criminalize abortions, and those who are primarily focussed on reducing their number. There wasn\u2019t much to say to the former, he said, but when speaking to the latter, candidates should emphasize that making abortion illegal had historically proved ineffective at reducing the number. In the past, Democrats had backed measures aimed at reducing abortions. Barack Obama tasked a joint White House initiative between the Office of Faith-Based and Neighborhood Partnerships and the Council on Women and Girls with \u201creducing the need for abortion.\u201d Bill Clinton had made a motto of making abortions \u201csafe, legal, and rare.\u201d But, in 2016, Hillary Clinton had dropped the \u201crare\u201d from her platform, bringing the Party further to the left on the issue. Pagitt felt that a more moderate approach to abortion could help attract religious voters.<\/p>\n

This may have its own pitfalls. There are many voters within the Party who don\u2019t want to see it give up ground on progressive issues like reproductive rights. There are also many who believe that religion is a private matter that should be separated from politics, and that publicly discussing it alienates religious minorities and non-religious voters. \u201cWe get pushback all the time from people within the political industry saying that the Democratic Party shouldn\u2019t court these evangelical people,\u201d he said. But he felt that evangelicals represented a large enough segment of the electorate that the Party had to take them into consideration. \u201cWhat we want you to do is like religious people enough that you can ask for their votes,\u201d he said. \u201cThere are seventy million evangelicals. Moving fifteen per cent of seventy million is a large number.\u201d<\/p>\n

After the meeting in Washington, Pagitt decided that the group would do more good advising candidates in the field and decided to take it back on the road. Since then, Vote Common Good has run several training seminars in New York City and around the country for Democratic congressional candidates. \u201cIn all five boroughs, there are evangelicals and other religiously motivated candidates,\u201d he told me recently, while in New York. \u201cWe give candidates a breakdown by religious affiliation in their districts, and it\u2019s shocking how many religious voters there are.\u201d Last week, they launched a love-in-politics pledge, which is based on I Corinthians 13:4-7 (\u201cLove is patient, love is kind\u00a0.\u00a0.\u00a0.\u201d) and calls on politicians to hold others to a standard of decency and compassion. \u201cWe\u2019re skeptical of Mike Pence\u2019s willingness to be swayed,\u201d he said, of the Vice-President. \u201cBut we\u2019re helping religiously motivated voters to have the rationale and support to change their votes.\u201d The group is also planning a forum in Iowa, in January, where Democratic Presidential candidates could reflect on their vision of faith. Pagitt says that the major campaigns have indicated interest, though none has committed. \u201cI think they should take religiously motivated voters seriously,\u201d he told me. \u201cIf they don\u2019t, it\u2019s at their own peril.\u201d<\/p>\n

\n

This content was originally published here<\/a>.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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